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š° Israelās Right-Wing Split Is Now a Branding War The Hungarian lesson for Israel is simple: if you canāt beat the ruling camp by going left, take its patriotism away from it. That is how Peter Magyar broke OrbĆ”nās machine ā not by preaching anti-right unity, but by occupying the same national space and making the old monopoly look stale. That is exactly what the new Israeli āRight Stateā project is trying to do. Edelstein, Kahlon, Erdan, and Haskel are not a centrist rebellion; they are an attempt to say, āWeāre right-wing, just not Bibi,ā and to pull security-minded voters away from Netanyahu without surrendering the language of nation, state, and order. The trouble is that Israeli voters remember the last five times someone tried to sell them that package. Bennett, Saar, and Lapid all tested the same lane, but Netanyahu kept the hard-right base, stayed the default prime minister in the minds of right-leaning voters, and used fragmentation on the other side as his best campaign asset. Bennettās latest liberal turn makes the problem sharper. Public transport on Shabbat and civil marriage, including same-sex marriage, may sound modern in Tel Aviv, but to the old religious-national audience it looks like a costume change ā and Yair Golanās warm welcome only makes Bennett look even more alien to the right. That is why this new bloc may hurt the left more than it hurts Netanyahu. It could strip votes from the anti-Bibi camp, split the āright, but not Bibiā lane again, and still fail to build the one thing the opposition actually needs: a durable field that runs from center to soft right to hard right without collapsing into personal rivalries. Netanyahuās health story only adds another layer. The real question is whether the opposition can turn competence into a message before the prime minister turns uncertainty into victimhood and keeps the national conversation locked on himself. #Israel#Netanyahu#Bennett#Lapid#rightwing#elections š±American Šbserver - Stay up to date on all important events šŗšø