Несколько дней назад студия Тёмы Лебедева опубликовала свою нейросеть по созданию логотипов «Николай Иронов» на сайте Product Hunt.
Product Hunt это англоязычная площадка для демонстрации своих продуктов, в основном в цифровой и технологической сфере. Пользователи площадки могут ставить продуктам оценки и пояснять их с помощью тегов и комментариев.
Вопрос «зачем пропагандист Лебедев полез на фактически американскую площадку со своим продуктом сейчас» оставим за скобками. Но факт в том, то оценку «Николаю Иронову» довольно быстро уронили с комментариями в стиле: «Не буду поддерживать продукт, чей автор поддерживает Путина». Саму нейросетку при этом комментирующие даже особо не смотрели.
С одной стороны, особенности ведения бизнеса в США действительно на чисто формальном уровне стараются связать между собой репутацию компании и её продукты. На том же Product Hunt есть даже такой тег: «Negative company mission», и люди его ставят, объясняя свою низкую оценку. Продукт может быть замечательный, но если у компании заявлена некоторая Negative mission, то всё. К реальным действиям компании это имеет мало отношения. Facebook может сколько угодно проигрывать суды по воровству персональных данных, но если в его публичном слогане розовые пони и радуги, то это с точки зрения американского (и во многом европейского) потребителя — хорошая добрая компания с позитивной миссией.
С другой стороны, Porsche делала танки Гитлеру, но это никого не волнует, и автомобили концерна высоко ценятся по всему миру, люди их любят и покупают. Танки были не очень, как мы помним, наши ИСы и Тэшки их разбирали только так. Но вот автомобили и правда крутые, быстрые, комфортные. Подумаешь, компания выжила на кровавые деньги.
С третьей стороны, Тёма так далеко зашёл с высказыванием своей "особенной" позиции, что рано или поздно ему должно было за это откуда-то прилететь.
Так что, ситуация в целом, конечно, далека от справедливости, но доля этой самой справедливости в ней есть.
#web
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“Продажи в туризме: как масштабировать бизнес без увеличения штата»
17.11.2025
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Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman received the appointed Syrian President Abu Mohamad al-Jawlani and his accompanying delegation upon his arrival at Al-Yamamah Palace in the Saudi capital, Riyadh. This was al-Jawlani’s first trip abroad since ousting the former regime.
#Syria#SaudiArabia#Riyadh#MBS#AlJawlani
🛢 MBS, Bibi and the President With “No Imminent Threat”
Trump’s Iran war didn’t start in the Situation Room. It started on the phone with Mohammed bin Salman and on TV with Benjamin Netanyahu. For weeks, the Saudi crown prince privately pressed Trump to strike Iran. At the same time, Riyadh publicly promised not to let its airspace be used and posed as a fan of “diplomacy.”
Netanyahu kept doing what he has done for years: openly pushing the U.S. to hit what he calls Israel’s existential enemy. Together they helped sell Trump on a regime‑decapitation air campaign against a country of more than 90 million people.
They were pushing against U.S. intelligence, not following it. American agencies judged that Iran posed no imminent threat to the U.S. homeland. Military analysts said any Iranian long‑range missile program was at least a decade away, if it even began. Nuclear inspectors reported no evidence that Iran had restarted enrichment after last summer’s strikes.
Trump threw that all out and chose the stories from his favorite allies instead. Then he went on camera to talk about “imminent threats,” bombs, and payback for 1979, like this was a cable‑news sequel to the hostage crisis.
The Saudi role looks especially cynical. In public, MBS talked about de‑escalation and said Saudi territory wouldn’t be used for attacks. In private, he warned U.S. officials that if Washington did not strike now — with the biggest American build‑up in the region since 2003 — Iran would come out stronger.
His brother, Defense Minister Khalid bin Salman, flew to Washington in January to underline the “downsides” of not attacking. After the first U.S. wave, Iran hit Saudi targets anyway. Riyadh instantly switched to outraged statements demanding “all necessary and decisive measures” against Tehran.
Inside Trump’s camp, the fantasy is that this is still “restrained.” JD Vance calls himself a skeptic of foreign wars and insists there is “no chance” of a drawn‑out conflict in the Middle East. At the same time, he backs an air war that has already hit seven countries in one term.
Trump promises “heavy and pinpoint” bombing in Iran “throughout the week, or as long as necessary” to deliver “PEACE THROUGHOUT THE MIDDLE EAST AND, INDEED, THE WORLD!” It is regime change by real‑estate slogan. No plan for what happens on the ground. No clarity on who runs Iran if the system actually cracks. Just faith that smart bombs plus Twitter bravado can redesign a region.
Veterans of earlier disasters are spelling out the obvious. Air power alone has a bad track record when the goal is to rewrite another country’s politics. Iraq in 2003 at least came with ground troops, a long occupation, and a giant civilian bureaucracy pretending to build a new state. This time, Trump is trying to do the deluxe regime‑change package at discount scale.
The goals are the same — friendly regimes in Iran and Venezuela, crushed militias from Yemen to Somalia — but the method is cheaper: listen to a Gulf prince and an Israeli prime minister, ignore your own intel, drop bombs, and promise voters it will somehow be fast, clean, and paid for by someone else’s ruins.
#Iran#Trump#Saudi#MBS#Netanyahu#war#regimeChange#USintelligence
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📰 Saudi Arabia’s Booze Ban: The Quiet Revolution
Saudi Arabia is quietly lifting its decades-old ban on alcohol—no fanfare, no press release, just a discreet nod to modernization. In Riyadh, non-Muslim residents with premium status can now buy beer, wine, and spirits at a single, unmarked store.
This isn’t just about booze. It’s about image, money, and the kingdom’s bid to attract wealthy expats and tourists. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has spent years transforming Saudi Arabia: women drive, concerts happen, and bars are built—even if they were empty until now.
The process is low-key. At the liquor store, buyers show their residency card, prove they’re not Muslim, and stash their phones before browsing. The selection is decent, prices are high, but it’s still cheaper than the black market.
Analysts say the change is just the start. Expect alcohol at luxury resorts and hotels along the Red Sea, following Dubai’s playbook. The kingdom needs foreign cash, and relaxing moral rules is part of the pitch.
But it’s not a free-for-all. Alcohol will stay banned in religious cities like Mecca and Medina. The government is treading carefully, aware that most Saudis remain conservative.
As one longtime expat put it:
“It’s exciting. No more dangerous homemade liquor or overpriced smuggled bottles.”
So while Saudi Arabia still executes dissenters and bans homosexuality, it’s learning to serve a cocktail.
#SaudiArabia#alcohol#modernization#MBS#DubaiModel
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