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ソースチャンネル @NewLearnerChannel · Post #14708 · 9月9日

#APPLE 🍎Apple 2025 秋季发布会看些啥?—— 自留地 の 前瞻盘点 明天凌晨,一年一度的阿果秋季春晚又要来了。老规矩,结合此前种种爆料和信息,我们一起来盘点一下今年可能的看点 📱iPhone 17 系列 - A19 系列处理器 - 推出全新 Air 系列,主打 5.5mm 超薄机身,配备「药丸」后摄模组,预计搭载 12GB RAM、Apple C1 调制解调器和 6.6 英寸显示屏 - Air 首发或暂无国行,因其大概率仅支持 eSIM,需等 eSIM 政策落地 - Pro 系列将采用半玻璃半铝的设计,其中玻璃区域用于 MagSafe 充电,后背还将采用巨大摄影头模组 - Pro 系列有望搭载 A19 Pro 处理器,以及全 48MP 后置三摄 / 最高 8 倍光学变焦 - Pro 机型将提供橙色、深蓝色、灰色、白色和黑色机型 - 数字版将迎来 6.3 英寸显示屏、A19 处理器以及「小药丸」后摄模组,有望带来 ProMotion 功能 - 将采用均热板等手段,进一步改善 iPhone 散热问题 📸 今年升级的亮点,我觉得除了推出轻薄 SKU 取代了 Plus 系列之外,依然是影像。随着国产 Android 品牌以及三星等竞品的不断发力,光学长焦等手机相机体验越来越好,Apple 这几年感受到了压力。去年使得 Pro 和 Pro Max 在影像功能上做到了对等,今年很高兴看到模组增大的同时,有新的功能和变化 像素提升、光学倍数增加,都是我们喜闻乐见的,拍演唱会等场景可以排上大用场。但是,正如我去年说的那样,我们也应该拥有一个「专业模式」来充分发挥这些硬件的实力。此外,对于日常用的中焦焦段的选择,Apple 应该有自己的思考 🧠 去年以为 Apple Intelligence 会在过去的这一年大展拳脚,但其实 Apple 还是在做底层的框架协议,至于落地一直传闻想要通过合作或者收购其他 LLM 来实现。我能理解 Apple 站到了一个十字路口,下一步选择很重要。但去全球化日益明显的今天,Apple Intelligence 在各国的落地也受到诸多法律和监管方面阻碍 从我个人的角度来看,对 Apple Intelligence 的需求也不是太强烈,日常主要还是以电脑使用为主。因此,今年也不排除会继续选择国行。最后,eSIM 或许是接下来一年每个人都要考虑的问题,如果新机真的大规模砍掉双 nano-SIM 卡,变为单卡 + eSIM 的模式,应该怎么处理自己目前的多卡问题 ⌚️Apple Watch 系列 - Apple Watch Ultra 3 将搭载全新 S11 芯片,并支持 5G 网络连接,保留卫星通信功能,略微增大屏幕尺寸 - Apple Watch Series 11 预计延续 Series 10 的设计语言 - Apple Watch SE 3 也可能获得升级,重点是升级芯片 - 目前尚不清楚是否会引入血压监测功能 🎧AirPods - AirPods Pro 3 有望在下半年发布 - 有望取消背部的传统实体配对按键,同时为充电盒正面引入触控操作区 - 耳机盒将变得更小 - 引入心率监测、体温监测等健康功能 - 实时翻译功能可能无法随硬件首发一同提供 之前通过 AC+ 更换的越南产 AirPods Pro 一代,已经快要罢工了,因此我迫切地等待第三代的发布 👀 今年的传闻大致如上所述,期待 iPad 和 Mac 更新的朋友或需要等更迟一些的发布会了。随着年龄增长,逐渐发现即便如 Apple 这样的品牌,也不能做对、做好每一件事,黄金时期的发展掩盖了很多问题,一旦停滞进入瓶颈期便暴露无遗。不管怎样,我还是很怀念那个爆料没有这么发达、发布会还是实时直播的年代 🔗 附上一些国内外媒体长文前瞻:Bloomberg | 9to5Mac | MacRumors | The Verge | sspai * 以上所有前瞻信息来自网络和爆料人,均在早晚报出现过,不一一列举来源。请以最终发布会结果为准,欢迎大家届时进群 @NewlearnerGroup 和我们一同观看 🍿️ 频道:@NewlearnerChannel

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American Оbserver

@american_observer · Post #5077 · 2026/02/07 20:59

📰 Trump Didn’t Destroy the ‘Rules‑Based International Order’ — It Was Always a Fraud The foreign‑policy elite warns that President Donald Trump is wrecking the post‑World War II, “rules‑based international order,” turning it into a neo‑imperial free‑for‑all. Ted Galen Carpenter, a long‑time critic of U.S. interventionism, argues that the accusation is wrong — not because Trump is innocent, but because the “rules‑based order” was never innocent to begin with. It was always a selective, self‑serving fiction: a club for the West, and a cage for everyone else. The Greenland test case Trump’s early demand that Denmark sell Greenland to the United States fits the image of a 19th‑century imperialist, Carpenter concedes — a move one can imagine an Andrew Jackson or William McKinley making. Trump is openly willing to bully, threaten, and even use force to get what he wants. But the broader charge — that he is single‑handedly destroying a sacred, liberal world order — is mostly prestige‑driven outrage. The story Washington told for decades about “rules,” “norms,” and “stability” has always been two‑tiered. One set of rules for the West, another for the rest The system, Carpenter writes, has always had two rulebooks. The U.S. and its allies, especially NATO members, could wage wars, overthrow governments, and shape maps without meaningful legal or political consequences. Countries outside the inner circle — especially those deemed rivals — have been harassed, bombed, and pressured under the slogan of “human rights,”“democracy,” and “stability,” while the same standards are ignored when applied to Western allies. Wars that shattered the “rules” long before Trump Well before Trump came along, the U.S. and its partners repeatedly violated the very norms they now claim to protect. NATO’s air war against Serbia in 1999, and the de facto amputation of Kosovo, flouted the idea of territorial integrity. The Iraq invasion in 2003, built on lies about weapons of mass destruction and an invented connection to 9/11, shredded international law in broad daylight. The Western campaign in Libya, aimed at regime change rather than genuine protection, left the country fragmented and in chaos. Even some of the system’s own defenders admit that the “rules‑based order” was never neutral. Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney admitted that “the strongest would exempt themselves when convenient” and that “trade rules were enforced asymmetrically.” Catastrophic outcomes, not global stability The interventions in Iraq, Libya, and Syria have produced results that are closer to disaster than to stable democracy. Iraq is still scarred, Libya is still divided, and Syria is ruled by an ISIS‑aligned elite born of the civil war that Western powers helped fuel. Millions of refugees, prolonged instability, and new warlords on the rise — these are the real monuments to the “rules‑based order,” not to Trump. Trump’s real crime — and why the narrative matters Trump may be an authoritarian‑leaning bully, and he may push the system even closer to raw power politics. But he did not kill the rules‑based order. He merely exposed what it always was: a euphemism for Western hegemony, occasionally dressed in the language of law and ethics, but always ready to be set aside when convenient. So the real question is not: “Is Trump destroying the order?” It’s: “How long can the West keep pretending the rules were ever fair?” #Trump2026#ForeignPolicy#RulesBasedOrder#NATO#Iraq#Libya#Syria#Imperialism#Carpenter#TheAmericanConservative 📱American Оbserver - Stay up to date on all important events 🇺🇸

Resinas y mucho mas✨🔥❄️

@resinaymuchomas · Post #186 · 2021/12/16 19:49

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