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Изворен канал @pythonotes · Post #335 · 29 мар.

В Linux стандартными средствами можно использовать часть оперативной памяти как диск. Для этого требуется указать тип монтирования tmpfs в команде mount mount -t tmpfs -o size=5G tmpfs /mnt/ram Теперь путь /mnt/ram можно использовать как обычный каталог. Для чего это может быть нужно? ▫️ Скорость работы с таким каталогом выше чем многие SSD и тем более HDD. ▫️ Если у вас очень быстрый SSD на NVMe M.2 то такой способ особо не прибавит вам скорости, но поможет сохранить ресурс SSD когда требуется обрабатывать очень много мелких файлов и оперативка позволяет выделить нужный объем. ▫️ Оперативка это энергозависимая память, поэтому выключении питания все файлы безвозвратно теряются. Такой "non persistent" каталог гарантирует удаление временных файлов. Я написал небольшой скрипт для условного теста и сравнения скорости копирования файлов между SSD и RAM. Вот мои результаты: Single File Size: 30.0Gb ssd > ssd: 0:00:12.850 / 2.3Gb/s sdd > ram: 0:00:06.453 / 4.6Gb/s ram > ram: 0:00:06.995 / 4.3Gb/s ram > sdd: 0:00:06.217 / 4.8Gb/s Dir size: 32.7Gb, File count: 11127 ssd > ssd: 0:00:15.063 / 2.2Gb/s sdd > ram: 0:00:08.486 / 3.9Gb/s ram > ram: 0:00:08.032 / 4.1Gb/s ram > sdd: 0:00:07.026 / 4.7Gb/s Скрипт для теста ↗️ На моём железе прирост скорости ~2x. Плюс экономия ресурса SSD. В Windows такой фишки по умолчанию нет, но обязательно найдутся аналогичные решения #linux#triks

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Red Nile

@rednile12 · Post #10846 · 22.01.2026 г., 17:40

🇪🇹 Nile Negotiations: Ethiopia’s Sovereignty Is Not on the Table Thank you, #SolomonMarkos🙏 🔗[email protected] https://m.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=pfbid0pFtuSJfcDvSUqkmGvpY7GDHkoarhXcsZE28sdRHRdnWdzkEuGffbN293GWF15mDel&id=1120295988&sfnsn=mo&mibextid=RUbZ1f Your intervention in the #RedNile comments is principled, direct, and unapologetically Ethiopian. It articulates what many externally driven “mediation” efforts try to obscure: Ethiopia’s sovereignty and national interests are not negotiable. At the heart of your position is a clear red line: “#Ethiopia Never Ever Compromise Its #Sovereignty and #National#Interests.” This must be the starting point of any discussion on the Nile—not the outcome. 🧠 Why This Position Is Strategically Strong 🔹Sovereignty first, not last Ethiopia is a rights-holder, not a “risk factor.” Any process that treats Ethiopia as a problem to be managed is illegitimate from the outset. 🔹Colonial treaties are null Insisting on the CFA framework restores African legal continuity and rejects agreements imposed when Ethiopia was excluded. 🔹No monopoly mediation Including the AU, Russia, China, and regional actors prevents Nile negotiations from being captured by a single power acting in Egypt’s favor. 🔹Development is non-negotiable Abay waters are tied to electricity, agriculture, and industrialization. Ethiopia retains the sovereign right to build future dams beyond GERD. 🔹The real issue is mismanagement, not scarcity Egypt’s irrigation of water-intensive crops reframes the crisis as one of policy waste, not upstream injustice. 🔹Responsible, not submissive Humanitarian flexibility during droughts projects cooperation without surrendering control—a smart counter to propaganda. 🔹GERD is Ethiopian-owned Fully domestically funded, GERD is insulated from donor leverage and external coercion. ⚠️ Tactical Challenges (Not Principle Flaws) ▪️ A 50%+ water share must be framed carefully using hydrology, population, and contribution data to avoid diplomatic deadlock. ▪️ Multiple mediators require clear role definitions to avoid paralysis. ▪️ A Nile-wide enforcement body will face resistance—but that resistance exposes the real imbalance in the system. These are communication and strategy issues, not weaknesses in Ethiopia’s position. 🔴 RedNile Media Position: The Only Legitimate Basis for Negotiation Any Nile process that claims legitimacy must be grounded in the following: 1️⃣Balanced mediation – No US monopoly 2️⃣All riparians included – The Nile belongs to all its peoples 3️⃣CFA only – Colonial treaties are invalid 4️⃣Ethiopia’s fair share – Not less than 50%+, with full rights to future development If a binding framework is ever discussed, it must also include: ▪️ A Nile Water Management Commission overseeing all dams and diversions—including Egypt’s Toshka Canal ▪️ Formal acknowledgment of Egypt’s excessive water use and export-oriented irrigation practices ♦️Bottom line: Ethiopia is not negotiating permission to exist, develop, or light its cities. The Nile question is about justice, sovereignty, and post-colonial reality—not appeasement. 🇪🇹💧 — RedNile Media🌊🧭 📡@rednile12 Geopolitics | Multipolarity | Sovereignty | Strategic Reality #GERD#NileDispute#GazaPeace#TrumpSisi

Red Nile

@rednile12 · Post #10499 · 27.12.2025 г., 14:03

‼️“I told you so…” Below is a video analysis I published three months ago (Aug 23, 2025), where I explained why the U.S. blocked the Ethiopia–Somaliland MOU and warned about the emerging Israel–UAE–Somaliland–U.S. alignment. Fast forward to Dec 26, 2025: 👉Israel officially recognized Somaliland. 👉The U.S. remains silent. Yet in 2024, when Ethiopia and Somaliland signed an MOU, Washington rushed to condemn it—claiming it threatened regional stability and reaffirming its commitment to Somalia’s territorial integrity and the “One Somalia” policy. So the question is unavoidable: Why does “territorial integrity” suddenly stop mattering when Israel recognizes Somaliland? Why is regional stability only invoked to block Ethiopia—but ignored when it suits U.S. allies? 🔴Red Nile’s position: This contradiction is not accidental. It fits a long-standing U.S. containment policy toward Ethiopia, especially regarding access to the Red Sea—a strategy that has shaped U.S. behavior for over 60 years. 🚨Red Nile Episode #56 🔴The U.S. Somaliland Double Game: Geopolitics or Hypocrisy? 🎞Video Overview: U.S. Senator Ted Cruz pushes for Somaliland’s recognition. This episode dissects the real geopolitical logic behind Washington’s shifting posture in the Horn of Africa. 🔷Key Issues Covered: 🇺🇸 Why the U.S. may recognize Somaliland to counter China & Russia ⚠️ The contradiction: opposing the Ethiopia–Somaliland deal while tolerating recognition 🔁 The Kosovo / Taiwan model 🌍 The roles of Israel, UAE, Egypt, and Turkey 🎥Watch here: https://youtu.be/XEPgFIa6tac?si=VtYr4ktnAxMZHb-B 🚨የቴድ ክሩዝ ደብዳቤ እና የሶማሊላንድ የእውቅና ጥያቄ | በአፍሪካ ቀንድ የቻይናን ተጽእኖ ለመግታት | የአሜሪካ ሴናተር ቴድ ክሩዝ ፕሬዝዳንት ትራምፕ ለሶማሊላንድ እውቅና እንዲሰጥ በደብዳቤ ያቀረቡትን ጥያቄን ከአሜሪካ የአፍሪካ ፖሊሲ ጋር በተያያዘ እንመለከታለን። 🎯 በዚህ ቪዲዮ፦ 🔹 አሜሪካ ከ"አንድ ሶማሊያ" ወደ ሶማሊላንድ እውቅና የመስጠት ሀገራዊ ጥቅም መሸጋገሯ 🔹 በየመኑ ሁቲ፣ ቻይና እና ራሺያ መካከል የተደረገው ስምምነት 🔹 የኮሶቮ አልያም የታይዋን አይነት ፖሊሲ 🔹 ግብጽ አና ቱርክን ላለማስኮረፍ መጠንቀቋ 🔹 አስራኤልና ኤምሬት ቅድሚ እውቅና እንዲሰጡ ማበረታታት 🟦 በመጨረሻም አሜሪካ አሁን ላይ ለሶማሊላን እውቅና ለመስጠት ፍላጎት ካሳየች፤ ታዲያ ለምንድነው በኢትዮጵያና በሶማሊላንድ መካከል የተደረገውን ስምምነት የተቃወመችው? 🎥ይመልከቱ: https://youtu.be/XEPgFIa6tac?si=VtYr4ktnAxMZHb-B 📢Subscribe, like, and share #RedNile#ቀይአባይ#Ethiopia#Somaliland#Somalia#USPolicy#Israel#HornOfAfrica#RedSea#Geopolitics#TedCruz#China#Russia#USDoubleStandards

Red Nile

@rednile12 · Post #11017 · 16.02.2026 г., 16:08

📝ANALYSIS: The Unmasking of Addis Standard: Independence or Illusion? ✍🏽By Dhuga Bilisuma | Red Nile Contributor 📅 February 16, 2026 In a detailed piece for RedNile, contributor Dhuga Bilisuma subjects Addis Standard’s recent coverage to rigorous academic scrutiny, questioning whether the outlet’s self-proclaimed “independence” withstands analytical review. Drawing from established media theory — including the framing work of Robert Entman and agenda-setting theory — the article examines three editorial patterns from January–February 2026 that raise concerns about conflict-sensitive reporting standards in Ethiopia’s fragile post-conflict environment. 1️⃣ Territorial Framing: “Wolkait” vs. “Western Tigray” When Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed referred to “Wolkait” during parliamentary remarks, Addis Standard’s headline substituted the term with “Western Tigray.” 📌The Critique: Framing theory suggests such terminology shifts are not neutral. In a contested territorial dispute, choosing nomenclature different from the speaker’s own wording can signal narrative alignment — especially when competing historical and constitutional claims are involved. The report, according to Bilisuma, lacked the contextual clarification recommended by conflict-sensitive journalism standards. 2️⃣ Agenda-Setting: Selective Visibility of Protests In late January, demonstrations reportedly took place in #Telemt, #Humera, #Wofla, #Korem, #Zata, #Dabat, #Debark, and #Dejach_Meda, with protesters calling for full implementation of the 2022 Pretoria Peace Agreement. #AddisStandard reportedly provided no coverage of these protests. 📌The Critique: Agenda-setting theory argues that what media omits can be as influential as what it highlights. For diaspora readers — who rely heavily on English-language reporting — such omissions may shape international perception by rendering certain grievances invisible in global discourse. 3️⃣ Post-Publication Revision: The “Maneuver” Case In reporting remarks from the Tigray Interim Administration, the outlet initially used the military term “maneuvering” to describe troop movements. 📌The Critique: While revisions are common in journalism, Bilisuma points to a pattern of reactive, non-transparent language adjustments. In a post-conflict setting governed by the Pretoria Agreement, terms like “maneuver,” “movement,” or “deployment” carry significant implications regarding compliance or breach. Inconsistent transparency in edits can undermine public trust. 4️⃣ The Broader Pattern: Asymmetrical Context The article argues that detailed historical grievances and counter-arguments are frequently added when framing federal officials. However, similar contextual depth is not consistently applied when reporting on actors associated with #TPLF leadership. 📌The Critique: This uneven distribution of contextual scrutiny may generate cumulative narrative asymmetry — shaping reader perception without explicit editorial positioning. 🧭 The Verdict Bilisuma stops short of alleging intentional bias. Instead, he argues that the cumulative effect of terminology choices, selective coverage, and revision practices constructs a particular political terrain for readers. For diaspora audiences — whose understanding of events often depends on outlets like #AddisStandard — these framing dynamics carry amplified consequences. “Media independence is not established solely through mission statements. It is demonstrated through transparent editorial standards.” ♦️Bottom Line: A must-read for anyone who consumes Ethiopian media critically. In fragile post-conflict societies, framing is never just semantics — it is politics. 📌Read the full article here: The Unmasking of Addis Standard: Independence or Illusion? #Ethiopia#MediaAnalysis#AddisStandard#RedNile#ConflictReporting#Framing