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Изворен канал @pythonotes · Post #60 · 31 мар.

Вторая по частоте future-функция, которую я использовал, это абсолютный импорт from __future__ import absolute_import Что она делает? Изменения, которые вносит эта инъекция описаны в PEP328 Покажу простой пример. Допустим, есть такой пакет: /my_package /__init__.py /main.py /string.py Смотрим код в my_package/main.py # main.py import string Простой пример готов) Вопрос в том, какой модуль импортируется в данном случае? Есть два варианта: 1. модуль в моём пакете my_package.string 2. стандартный модуль string И вот тут вступает в дело приоритет импортов. В Python2 порядок следующий: помимо иных источников, раньше ищется модуль внутри текущего пакета, а потом в стандартных библиотеках. Таким образом мы импортнём my_package.string. Но в Python3 это поведение изменилось. Если мы указываем просто имя пакета, то ищется именно такой модуль, игнорируя имена в текущем пакете. Если мы хотим импортнуть именно подмодуль из нашего пакета то, мы должны теперь явно это указывать. from my_package import string или относительный импорт, но с указанием пути относительно текущего модуля main from . import string Еще одной неоднозначностью меньше 😎 Подробней про импорты здесь: https://docs.python.org/3/tutorial/modules.html #2to3#pep#basic

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American Оbserver

@american_observer · Post #5022 · 01.02.2026 г., 19:04

📰 Federal Courts Undercut Trump’s Mass Deportation Campaign The Trump administration’s mass deportation campaign, built on mandatory detention, is hitting a wall: a flood of habeas corpus cases in federal courts, releasing hundreds of immigrant detainees and overwhelming prosecutors. For decades, most immigrants held in detention could get bond before an immigration judge if they were not a danger or flight risk, allowing them to fight their case from home. But the Trump administration changed that, making nearly everyone in the country unlawfully subject to automatic, long-term detention, stripping judges of discretion. Federal judges in states like Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Georgia, Nevada, Texas, and elsewhere are now rejecting this approach, ordering immediate releases or demanding bond hearings in immigration court. In district after district, judges have approved dozens, even hundreds, of habeas petitions, ruling that the government cannot keep immigrants locked up indefinitely without a hearing, especially when they have deep U.S. ties, no criminal record, and stable families. The surge has turned federal courts upside down. In some districts, hundreds of new habeas cases flood the docket each month. The Justice Department has had to pull criminal prosecutors off their regular duties to help defend the incarcerations, and federal judges are openly complaining about the “flood” and “similar stories” of families torn apart and people held in remote detention centers. Lawyers report that virtually every habeas petition they file ends in a victory: a release order or a bond hearing. Some can now do dozens of cases a month, and word is spreading fast inside detention centers. To avoid these court battles, the administration has turned to a different tactic: pressuring immigrants to “self‑deport” with intimidating ads and social media, while offering cash incentives (typically $3,000–5,000) to quit and leave voluntarily. But the legal reality is clear: the Trump administration’s attempt to keep immigrant detainees locked up indefinitely is being systematically reversed by the lower courts, district by district. The real question is not whether the mass deportation machine can crush the system, but whether the courts — or the families and lawyers who flood them — will break first. #Trump2026#Immigration#Deportation#ICE#Courts#HabeasCorpus#DoJ#House2026 📱American Оbserver - Stay up to date on all important events 🇺🇸