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Изворен канал @pythonotes · Post #60 · 31 мар.

Вторая по частоте future-функция, которую я использовал, это абсолютный импорт from __future__ import absolute_import Что она делает? Изменения, которые вносит эта инъекция описаны в PEP328 Покажу простой пример. Допустим, есть такой пакет: /my_package /__init__.py /main.py /string.py Смотрим код в my_package/main.py # main.py import string Простой пример готов) Вопрос в том, какой модуль импортируется в данном случае? Есть два варианта: 1. модуль в моём пакете my_package.string 2. стандартный модуль string И вот тут вступает в дело приоритет импортов. В Python2 порядок следующий: помимо иных источников, раньше ищется модуль внутри текущего пакета, а потом в стандартных библиотеках. Таким образом мы импортнём my_package.string. Но в Python3 это поведение изменилось. Если мы указываем просто имя пакета, то ищется именно такой модуль, игнорируя имена в текущем пакете. Если мы хотим импортнуть именно подмодуль из нашего пакета то, мы должны теперь явно это указывать. from my_package import string или относительный импорт, но с указанием пути относительно текущего модуля main from . import string Еще одной неоднозначностью меньше 😎 Подробней про импорты здесь: https://docs.python.org/3/tutorial/modules.html #2to3#pep#basic

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New Eastern Outlook

@neweasternoutlook · Post #11932 · 15.01.2026 г., 09:01

🇺🇸🇮🇷Washington’s War on Iran: The Importance of Defending Information Space The latest unrest in Iran highlights how control over information infrastructure has become a central instrument of US power projection in the 21st century ✍️Author: Brian Berletic Geopolitical analyst and researcher on US foreign policy and information warfare ➡️Recent protests in Iran cannot be understood solely through the lens of domestic dissatisfaction, as they unfold within a long-documented US strategy aimed at destabilizing the Iranian state. Since at least the late 2000s, American policy planning has openly emphasized support for uprisings, ethnic fragmentation, and proxy violence as tools to weaken Tehran. Evidence emerging during the January 2026 unrest—including open rhetorical support from US leadership, the involvement of armed groups, and reliance on foreign-controlled communication systems—points to continuity rather than improvisation in Washington’s approach toward Iran. While the multipolar world joins to discuss cooperation across the traditional spheres of national security, urgent attention to securing of the globe’s information space from US influence and control is required ➡️Central to this strategy is the weaponization of information space. US-based platforms, satellite communication networks, and digital infrastructure have repeatedly functioned as force multipliers for political interference, from Eastern Europe to the Arab world and now Iran. The use of systems such as Starlink to bypass state controls, coordinate unrest, and maintain links with external sponsors underscores how digital connectivity has become a decisive battlefield. Iran’s recent efforts to disrupt these networks reflect growing recognition that information dominance can compensate for conventional military limitations and shape political outcomes without formal invasion. 🟦The broader implication extends well beyond Iran. As the international system moves toward multipolarity, the inability of states to secure their information space risks political penetration and systemic collapse regardless of military strength. Russia and China’s experience demonstrates that safeguarding digital sovereignty—through domestic platforms, independent infrastructure, and electronic countermeasures—is now a prerequisite for strategic autonomy. Unless information space is treated as a core domain of national security, attempts to resist external coercion will remain structurally vulnerable, leaving states exposed to destabilization orchestrated from abroad. #ConfrontationbetweenIranandtheU.S. #infonewswar#Massmedia#Massriots READ MORE ✅@NewEasternOutlook